by Meda Ryan
Afterwards, he wrote to his brother, ‘I enjoyed the time with the Tans and the D.I. as the truce feeling prevailed all round. We even discussed the possibility of again meeting them face to face in a clash with arms.’1
But Liam still felt that the truce was only temporary. Planning to go to a dance in Mitchelstown, to meet old friends, especially Bridie Keyes, he wrote, ‘I believe that after a few weeks I may have a poor chance of seeing them again. It is also my intention to run home if possible.’2His brother Tom came home shortly after the truce and Liam, excusing himself for not being home on that occasion, wrote, ‘somehow I would consider it a national sin when there is work to be done.’
With Seán Moylan, Liam was on his way to Dublin for Tom Barry’s wedding when his car broke down. They arrived late, so they weren’t present for the historic photograph on 22 August 1921. But it was a memorable, social occasion.
After a visit to Dublin in mid-September, he expressed a feeling to his comrades that national unity was within sight ‘though there may be a resumption of the struggle in arms.’3
To his brother Tom he wrote:
You may rest assured that our government as well as the army is out for the Republic and nothing less, and that without a rest on our oars either. We are and must be prepared to fight to the last for that ...4
Subsequent to the assembly of the second Dáil in the Mansion House, Dublin, De Valera and Lloyd George entered into a series of communications. On 14 September Dáil Éireann sanctioned the appointment of delegates and negotiations commenced in London on 11 October 1921. (The Irish delegates were Arthur Griffith, Michael Collins, George Gavan-Duffy, Robert Barton and Éamon Duggan.)5
It was October before Liam was again able to visit home. On this occasion he went to Ballylanders Races. Congratulations were heaped on him by locals, but Liam viewed the newfound patriotism of many with a jaundiced eye:
I don’t give a damn about these people when it comes to praise or notoriety, and they are making the hell of a mistake if they think I forget their actions during the war. I remember at one time in the best areas where it was next to impossible to find a bed to lie on.’6
Liam appeared happiest when he was among army men as within the movement he found warmth and friendship. He balanced the integrity of the men within the conflict with the insincerity of some of those who were outside.
He spent much of October and November in IRA organisational activities and conferences both in the Southern Division and at GHQ. His ability and integrity impressed the Dáil cabinet so much, that at the end of November 1921, he was offered the position as commander-in-chief of the army. (This would mean Richard Mulcahy, chief-of-staff, would be sub-ordinate to him.)
As Michael Collins and his comrades wrestled in London with the culmination of the treaty debates, Liam apparently anticipating the resumption of war against Britain, wrote to Cathal Brugha:
Headquarters,
1st Southern Division,
6th December, 1921.
To the Minister for Defence
It is after serious consideration I acquaint you that I cannot under present circumstances accept the commission you offer me.
I feel that the Commander-in-Chief and his staff cannot do their duty when they are not placed in a position to do so. I may have wrong views of the duties of a Commander-in-Chief and Minister for Defence, if so I will put up with the result. I painfully realise the consequences of the present relations between Cabinet and GHQ Staff, therefore I cannot act blindly in the matter and be responsible for directing general operation policy. At the present moment when war may be resumed at short notice I have got no general directions.
When the situation is cleared up to the Brigade Commandants in this Division I shall be pleased to be relieved of my present responsibility.
Liam Lynch Commandant.7
This letter from Lynch seems to imply that tension existed between the cabinet and GHQ, and that Lynch at this period and subsequently maintained that control of the army should be free from cabinet interference.
On 6 December 1921 the Articles of Agreement for a treaty – which required an oath of allegiance to a British monarch disestablished the Republic and partitioned Ireland – were signed. Where British arms had failed, British diplomacy had won. A chapter in Irish history was closed and another, more bitter was about to begin.
1 Letter to his brother Tom, Lombardstown 22/8/1921 (Lynch private family papers).
2 Letter to his brother Tom, 26/9/1921 (Lynch private family papers).
3 Matt Flood, author interview, 28/3/1980.
4 Letter to his brother Tom, Lombardstown, 26/8/1921 (Lynch private family papers).
5 See Frank Parkenham, Peace by Ordeal; also T. Ryle Dwyer, Michael Collins and the Treaty.
6 Letter to his brother Tom, 18/10/1921 (Lynch private family papers).
7 Mulcahy papers, University College, Dublin, Archives P7a/5. Cathal Brugha was minister for defence in December 1921. I could not find any written documentation of the offer.
16. IRB’s allegiance to the Republic
Liam Lynch became a member of the Irish Republican Brotherhood late in 1918 when he formed a circle in Fermoy. The following year he gathered up some threads of the organisation and was elected as its centre.
The Irish Republican Brotherhood (IRB) was a secret oath-bound society founded in 1858 when John O’Mahony and Michael Doheny, acting on behalf of a group of exiled young Irelanders in the United States sent Owen Considine to James Stephens in Ireland with proposals for the foundation of the organisation, and promises of support from America.1
John O’Mahony had been born near Liam’s homeplace, and Liam had studied his activities from an early age. The seven signatories of the proclamation of the Republic at Easter 1916 were the members of the IRB military council. (The constitution provided for the establishment of a military council subordinate to the supreme council.) The executions after Easter Week 1916 almost wiped out the supreme council. However in the autumn of 1917 the council was regularly constituted with Seán McGarry as president, Michael Collins as secretary and Diarmuid Lynch as treasurer. Even after the reconstitution of the supreme council no active steps were implemented to revitalise the organisation, mainly because De Valera and Brugha had come to the conclusion that there was no longer a necessity for the continuance of a secret organisation as they felt the future of the national struggle for independence could now be staked upon open military and political organisations. Michael Collins, however, believed the continued existence of the secret organisation was essential in achieving a Republic. In this he was supported by members like Liam Lynch.
The south Munster division of the IRB consisted of the counties of Cork, Kerry and Waterford. The supreme council requested Lynch to act as divisional officer in March 1921 to replace Tom Hales who had been arrested.2Lynch agreed, thus he automatically gained a seat on the supreme council – a body which regarded itself as the guardian of Republican policy. This event took place shortly before the enlarged formation of the First Southern Division of the IRA of which he was given leadership. Between March and December 1921 the South Munster Division of the IRB, under his direction, had been re-organised, and its membership increased.
When the Articles of Agreement for the treaty were signed in London the organisation was galvanised into activity. The IRB would have to take a stand. The supreme council met following the signing, and issued a note to all divisions around the country:
The Organisation
The Peace Treaty
The Supreme Council having due regard to the Constitution of the Organisation, has decided that the present Peace Treaty between Ireland and Great Britain should be ratified. Members of the Organisation, however, who have to take public action as representatives are given freedom of action in the matter.3
This meeting, held on the night of 10 December 1921, was Liam’s first as a member of the supreme counci
l. Two letters record his reaction. The next day he wrote to Florence O’Donoghue:
The situation is that I stood alone at the meeting I attended, and our Division seemingly stands alone in the army. GHQ staff and several others who have done actual army work are for the Treaty ... My belief is that the Treaty will be carried by a majority of the Dáil. The position I have taken up I mean to stand by, even if the whole division turn it down. On the other hand I do not recommend immediate war as our front is broken – which our leaders are responsible for ...4
Referring to Michael Collins, he wrote, ‘I admire Mick as a soldier and a man. Thank God all parties can agree to differ.’5
This letter to Florence O’Donoghue and the following letter he wrote to his brother Fr Tom express his foremost ideal that his initial goal was an Irish Republic. The content of these letters should be borne in mind as one views the turn which events began to take over the year ahead. Because of his generosity of spirit he appears to have over-estimated this quality in others:
First of all I must assure you that my attitude is now as always, to fight on for the recognition of the Republic. Even if I were to stand alone I will not voluntarily accept being part of the British Empire.
Whatever will happen here in this week of destiny we must and will show a united front. Thank God that we can agree to differ. Minority of the Dáil will stand by majority no matter what side, the same will apply to the army. Therefore there will be no disunity as in the past.
It is only natural that in such a big issue there would be a difference of opinion ... All my Division hold the one view, and that strongly too. Several other southern areas, I know already, are with us in this view. If the government accept the Treaty we shall not, but strike for final victory at most favourable opportunity.
There is no allegiance asked to the British Empire, only to be faithful to it. At all times of course, we give allegiance to the Irish Constitution ... The Governor-General would be of our own choice say for instance Count Plunkett, and he certainly, as only a figurehead would not be much of a connection for king ...
Even if we must temporarily accept the Treaty there is scarcely another leap to freedom ...
Speeches and fine talk do not go far these days. We have already too much gas, what we want is a definite line of action ...
Sorry I must agree to differ with Collins – that does not make us worse friends ...6
Dáil deputies who were members of the supreme council were free to vote for or against the treaty, but those who were against ratification were put in the position of acting in opposition to the wishes of the council.
The South Munster Division received the decision taken by the Dáil with amazement as well as anger. At the autumn elections before the opening of the London negotiations, Michael Collins had come to Cork and presided at the divisional meeting when Liam Lynch was elected divisional centre officer. The men who met in O’Briens, Parnell Place, were representative of the mind and spirit of both organisations in the area. Michael Collins spoke to Liam and some other officers just before the meeting and he gave, in general terms, the first indication that some modification of the full Republican demand might have to be made in the London negotiations if a settlement was to be reached. Lynch asked Collins not to repeat this at the meeting or else it would ‘blow up’.7He did, however, state that the officers had fully earned the right to be consulted before any final decision was reached on whatever terms of settlement were proposed by the British, and, as far as he was concerned, he would do his best to see that it was carried out.8Everybody was satisfied. However no further communication reached them until the supreme council’s decision (Michael Collins was chairman) was issued to division and country centres on 12 December after the treaty had been signed.
The day the council’s decision was made Cork district board met and called for ‘the rejection of the Treaty proposal being submitted to Dáil Éireann as being utterly at variance with the principles of the IRB and treason to the Republic established in 1916.’9
Liam, in a letter to his brother, explained, ‘my attitude is now as always to fight on for the recognition of the Republic ... At all times we give allegiance to the Irish constitution … we can scarcely realise what a fine country Ireland will be when freedom comes ...’10
On 7 January 1922 the Cork county centre IRB reported to Lynch that the entire membership of the organisation in the city and county was unanimously opposed to acceptance of the treaty proposals. Similar reports from the county organisations of Kerry and Waterford arrived soon afterwards. On 12 January the supreme council issued a statement to its IRB members which suggested that no action for or against the present peace treaty be taken by the organisation as such, so that the final attainment of ‘A Free Independent Republican Government in Ireland’ could be achieved; but the council also issued a statement to Dáil Éireann members wherein it suggested that ‘the present Peace Treaty between Ireland and Great Britain should be ratified. Members of the organisation, however, who have to take public action as representatives are given freedom of action in the matter ...’
The document, which appeared to give other members freedom of choice, split the organisation. All the south Munster division rejected it. Lynch saw a conflict and a rejection of all he had fought for; he believed that, in making this decision, the supreme council ignored the fact that the whole national position had been changed. With a passionate intensity he resented the fact that any group of new, though chosen, leaders would attempt to destroy what they had sworn to uphold in the declaration of the Republic in 1916, and also by the solemn ratification of it by the people at two subsequent general elections. ‘The people have been stampeded, owing to war-weariness and threat of extermination by the enemy. In cooler moments, they will keenly realise that indescribable spirit of nationality and again stand up with their heads high,’ he wrote to his brother.11A crisis was imminent. Not alone was there conflict within the supreme council of the IRB, there was also conflict within the cabinet.
President de Valera and Cathal Brugha, minister for defence, wished to strengthen the constitutional position by a more explicit expression of the absolute subordination of the army to the government, a situation which existed nominally since March. Liam Lynch however regarded absolute cabinet control of the army with considerable misgivings. He feared that whatever military strength existed in the nation would be reduced to near impotence by British government control.
Dáil Éireann which debated the treaty had resumed its sitting after the Christmas recess on 3 January 1922. Liam Deasy records that Florrie O’Donoghue, Liam Lynch and himself had been invited to sit in on public debates which were held in Dublin ‘... day after sad day we had our first political experience which was unforgettable and most distressing. We had to listen to men who a few short months before were fighting as comrades side by side now indulging in bitter recrimination, rancour, invective, charges and counter-charges. Gone was the old chivalry ... This meant that many of our dreams and hopes for Ireland’s freedom were being shattered.’12
1 Luby papers, National Library, MS 331.
2 Tom Hales and Pat Harte were tortured by the Essex squad having their fingernails pulled off and they were dragged for several miles after a lorry. Hales was kept in jail until after the treaty was signed. Harte went insane, was confined to an asylum and died a few years later.
3 S.C. 12/12/1921, The Organisation – Peace Treaty.
4 Florence O’Donoghue, No Other Law, p. 190.
5 Letter to his brother Tom, 12/12/1921 (Lynch private family papers).
6 Ibid., 12/12/1921 (Lynch private family papers).
7 Liam Deasy, Brother against Brother, p. 95. (Liam Deasy said subsequently that it would have been better if Liam Lynch had allowed Collins to state the true position to the meeting.)
8 Florence O’Donoghue, No Other Law, p. 192; also see Liam Deasy, Brother against Brother, p. 95.
9 Florence O’Donoghue, No Other Law, p. 192.
10 Letter to his brother Tom, 12/12/1921 (Lynch private family papers).
11 Letter to his brother Tom, 16/1/1922 (Lynch private family papers).
12 Liam Deasy author interview, 5/12/1972; Liam Deasy private papers.
17. First indication of treaty split
The vote on the treaty was taken on 7 January 1922. Sixty-four Dáil deputies voted for acceptance, fifty-seven against. Two days later President de Valera resigned. Arthur Griffith was elected in his place. National unity was broken. On 14 January, the sixty-four pro-treaty members met in the Mansion House, approved the treaty and under the chairmanship of Michael Collins elected a Provisional Government which, under the provisions of the British act, was to hold office until 6 December 1922. The British authorities formally handed over control to this Provisional Government on the same day. The British immediately began to withdraw their forces; throughout the country as barracks were vacated they were taken over by the local IRA formations.
Mallow, the second military barracks manned by the Seventeenth Lancers, was handed over by the British on 17 February 1922; for Liam Lynch this was a historic occasion. (The barracks had been captured at mid-day on 28 September 1920 by the Second Cork column led by Lynch and had yielded much-needed ammunition.) Exhilarated, he led a company of armed volunteers through the streets of Mallow amidst cheering crowds; as he passed in through the barrack entrance the British guard presented arms. Many of the original raiding party were with him that day including Dick Willis and Jack Bolster, who had been working inside the barracks as painters in September 1920. Paddy McCarthy who, in 1920, posed as a contractor’s overseer had since been killed in action.1It was indeed a proud day for Liam Lynch who walked in as an army officer performing a mere routine act of military duty.
