The Israel-Arab Reader

by Walter Laqueur

  -no foreign forces in Lebanon without the consent of its Government;

  -no sales or supply of arms and related materiel to Lebanon except as authorized by its Government;

  -provision to the United Nations of all remaining maps of land mines in Lebanon in Israel’s possession;

  9. Invites the Secretary-General to support efforts to secure as soon as possible agreements in principle from the Government of Lebanon and the Government of Israel to the principles and elements for a long-term solution as set forth in paragraph 8, and expresses its intention to be actively involved;

  10. Requests the Secretary-General to develop, in liaison with relevant international actors and the concerned parties, proposals to implement the relevant provisions of the Taif Accords, and resolutions 1559 (2004) and 1680 (2006), including disarmament, and for delineation of the international borders of Lebanon, especially in those areas where the border is disputed or uncertain, including by dealing with the Shebaa Farms area, and to present to the Security Council those proposals within thirty days;

  11. Decides, in order to supplement and enhance the force in numbers, equipment, mandate and scope of operations, to authorize an increase in the force strength of UNIFIL to a maximum of 15,000 troops, and that the force shall, in addition to carrying out its mandate under resolutions 425 and 426 (1978): a. Monitor the cessation of hostilities;

  b. Accompany and support the Lebanese armed forces as they deploy throughout the South, including along the Blue Line, as Israel withdraws its armed forces from Lebanon as provided in paragraph 2;

  c. Coordinate its activities related to paragraph 11 (b) with the Government of Lebanon and the Government of Israel;

  d. Extend its assistance to help ensure humanitarian access to civilian populations and the voluntary and safe return of displaced persons;

  e. Assist the Lebanese armed forces in taking steps towards the establishment of the area as referred to in paragraph 8;

  f. Assist the Government of Lebanon, at its request, to implement paragraph 14;

  12. Acting in support of a request from the Government of Lebanon to deploy an international force to assist it to exercise its authority throughout the territory, authorizes UNIFIL to take all necessary action in areas of deployment of its forces and as it deems within its capabilities, to ensure that its area of operations is not utilized for hostile activities of any kind, to resist attempts by forceful means to prevent it from discharging its duties under the mandate of the Security Council, and to protect United Nations personnel, facilities, installations and equipment, ensure the security and freedom of movement of United Nations personnel, humanitarian workers and, without prejudice to the responsibility of the Government of Lebanon, to protect civilians under imminent threat of physical violence;

  13. Requests the Secretary-General urgently to put in place measures to ensure UNIFIL is able to carry out the functions envisaged in this resolution, urges Member States to consider making appropriate contributions to UNIFIL and to respond positively to requests for assistance from the Force, and expresses its strong appreciation to those who have contributed to UNIFIL in the past;

  14. Calls upon the Government of Lebanon to secure its borders and other entry points to prevent the entry in Lebanon without its consent of arms or related materiel and requests UNIFIL as authorized in paragraph 11 to assist the Government of Lebanon at its request;

  15. Decides further that all States shall take the necessary measures to prevent, by their nationals or from their territories or using their flag vessels or aircraft: a. The sale or supply to any entity or individual in Lebanon of arms and related materiel of all types, including weapons and ammunition, military vehicles and equipment, paramilitary equipment, and spare parts for the aforementioned, whether or not originating in their territories; and

  b. The provision to any entity or individual in Lebanon of any technical training or assistance related to the provision, manufacture, maintenance or use of the items listed in subparagraph (a) above; except that these prohibitions shall not apply to arms, related material, training or assistance authorized by the Government of Lebanon or by UNIFIL as authorized in paragraph 11;

  16. Decides to extend the mandate of UNIFIL until 31 August 2007, and expresses its intention to consider in a later resolution further enhancements to the mandate and other steps to contribute to the implementation of a permanent ceasefire and a long-term solution;

  17. Requests the Secretary-General to report to the Council within one week on the implementation of this resolution and subsequently on a regular basis;

  18. Stresses the importance of, and the need to achieve, a comprehensive, just and lasting peace in the Middle East, based on all its relevant resolutions including its resolutions 242 (1967) of 22 November 1967, 338 (1973) of 22 October 1973 and 1515 (2003) of 18 November 2003;

  19. Decides to remain actively seized of the matter.

  Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad: Speech to the UN General Assembly (September 19, 2006)

  The roots of the Palestinian problem go back to the Second World War. Under the pretext of protecting some of the survivors of that war, the land of Palestine was occupied through war, aggression and the displacement of millions of its inhabitants; it was placed under the control of some of the war survivors, bringing even larger population groups from elsewhere in the world, who had not been even affected by the Second World War; and a government was established in the territory of others with a population collected from across the world at the expense of driving millions of the rightful inhabitants of the land into a diaspora and homelessness. This is a great tragedy with hardly a precedent in history. Refugees continue to live in temporary refugee camps, and many have died still hoping to one day return to their land. Can any logic, law or legal reasoning justify this tragedy? Can any member of the United Nations accept such a tragedy occurring in their own homeland?

  The pretexts for the creation of the regime occupying [Holy Jerusalem] are so weak that its proponents want to silence any voice trying to merely speak about them, as they are concerned that shedding light on the facts would undermine the raison d’être of this regime, as it has. The tragedy does not end with the establishment of a regime in the territory of others. Regrettably, from its inception, that regime has been a constant source of threat and insecurity in the Middle East region, waging war and spilling blood and impeding the progress of regional countries, and has also been used by some powers as an instrument of division, coercion, and pressure on the people of the region. Reference to these historical realities may cause some disquiet among supporters of this regime. But these are sheer facts and not myth. History has unfolded before our eyes.

  Worst yet, is the blanket and unwarranted support provided to this regime.

  Just watch what is happening in the Palestinian land. People are being bombarded in their own homes and their children murdered in their own streets and alleys. But no authority, not even the Security Council, can afford them any support or protection. Why?

  At the same time, a government is formed democratically and through the free choice of the electorate in a part of the Palestinian territory. But instead of receiving the support of the so-called champions of democracy, its ministers and members of parliament are illegally abducted and incarcerated in full view of the international community.

  Which council or international organization stands up to protect this brutally besieged Government? And why can’t the Security Council take any steps?

  For some powers, claims of promotion of human rights and democracy can only last as long as they can be used as instruments of pressure and intimidation against other nations. But when it comes to the interests of the claimants, concepts such as democracy, the right of self-determination of nations, respect for the rights and intelligence of peoples, international law and justice have no place or value. This is blatantly manifested in the way the elected Government of the Palestinian people is treated as well as in the support
extended to the Zionist regime. It does not matter if people are murdered in Palestine, turned into refugees, captured, imprisoned or besieged; that must not violate human rights.

  Hamas-Fatah: Mecca Agreement (February 8, 2007)

  Based on the generous initiative announced by Saudi king Abdullah bin Abdul Aziz and under the sponsorship of his majesty, Fatah and Hamas movements held in the period February 6-8, 2007, in Holy Mecca the dialogues of Palestinian conciliation and agreement and these dialogues, thanks to God, ended with success and an agreement was reached on the following:

  -First: to ban the shedding of Palestinian blood and to take all measures and arrangements to prevent the shedding of Palestinian blood and to stress the importance of national unity as the basis for national steadfastness and confronting the occupation and to achieve the legitimate national goals of the Palestinian people and adopt the language of dialogue as the sole basis for solving political disagreements in the Palestinian arena. . . .

  -Second: Final agreement to form a Palestinian national unity government according to a detailed agreement ratified by both sides and to start on an urgent basis to take the constitutional measures to form this government.

  -Third: to move ahead in measures to activate and reform the Palestine Liberation Organization and accelerate the work of the preparatory committee based on the Cairo and Damascus understandings. It has been agreed also on detailed steps between both sides on this issue.

  -Fourth: to stress on the principle of political partnership on the basis of the effective laws in the PNA [Palestinian National Authority] and on the basis of political pluralism according to an agreement ratified between both parties. . . .

  Palestinian Authority Leader Mahmoud Abbas: Letter to Ismail Haniya (February 9, 2007)

  In my capacity as chairman of the PLO Executive Committee and president of the Palestinian National Authority and after reviewing the Basic Law and based on the authorities vested in me:

  -First: I commission you to form the next Palestinian government within the set period as stipulated in the Basic Law.

  -Second: after concluding the formation of the government and presenting it to us, the government will be presented to the Palestinian Legislative Council to get the confidence vote.

  -Third: I call upon you as PM of the next government to abide by the interests of the Palestinian people and to preserve their rights and maintain their accomplishments and develop them and work on achieving their national goals as ratified by the resolutions of the Palestinian National Council [the PLO’s legislative body] meetings and the Basic Law articles and the national conciliation document and Arab summit resolutions and based on this, I call upon you to respect the Arab and international legitimacy resolutions and agreements signed by the PLO.

  Sharing of ministries:

  . . . -Hamas will get eight ministries: Education and Higher Education, Islamic Waqf, Labour, Local Government, Youth and Sports, Justice, Telecommunications and Information Technology, Economy, and a state minister.

  -Hamas will also name an independent figure to the Planning Ministry and another independent figure as state minister.

  -Fatah will get six ministries: Health, Social Affairs, Public Works, Transportation, Agriculture and Prisoners’ Affairs.

  -Fatah will name the minister for foreign affairs (Ziad Abu Amr) and an independent figure as state minister.

  Palestinian Authority: Hamas-Fatah Coalition Platform (March 17, 2007)

  ... Based on the inalienable rights of our people, with a commitment to the document of national reconciliation, in light of the letter of appointment [of Ismail Haniya of Hamas as prime minister] and assuming that we are still in the process of self-liberation and [nation] building, the platform of the [Palestinian] national unity government is based on the following [principles]:

  First and foremost: The political sphere 1. The government asserts that security and stability in the region are conditional upon the termination of the Israeli occupation of Palestinian lands and on the recognition of the Palestinian people’s right to self-determination. The government will work with our Arab brothers and with the international community to terminate the occupation and to return our people’s legitimate rights, the first of which is the establishment of an independent Palestinian state with full sovereignty over all the lands occupied in 1967 and with Jerusalem as its capital. That will enable us to build a firm, consolidated foundation for peace, security and prosperity throughout the region and [for] generations to come.

  2. The government is committed to protecting the supreme national interests of the Palestinian people, to guard its rights, to protect and develop its achievements, to work to realize its national goals as ratified by the decisions of the [Palestinian] Legislative Council in the articles of the basic law [i.e., the Palestinian constitution], in the national reconciliation document and by the decisions made at the Arab summit meetings. On that basis the government will honor the legitimate international decisions [i.e., decisions made by the UN and international agreements] and agreements signed by the Palestinian Liberation Organization.

  3. The government will devote special efforts to encouraging all Palestinian [political] forces to accelerate the implementation of the Cairo Agreement with relation to the PLO.

  4. The government commits itself to rejecting what is referred to as “a state with temporary borders,” as suggested by the American-Israeli plan.

  5. A reaffirmation of the right to return and adherence to it and a call to the international community to carry out [UN] Resolution 194 regarding the right of the Palestinian refugees to return to the lands and property they left, and to receive compensation.

  6. The government is committed to working assiduously to release the heroes and heroines [held] in Israeli jails, and to release the members of the [Palestinian] parliament, the ministers and chairman and the members of the local councils who were abducted [by Israel].

  7. The government is committed to oppose the measures [taken by] the occupation in [Palestinian] lands: assassinations [i.e., targeted counterterrorist operations], detentions, raids, military roadblocks, and to deal with the issues of the crossings, the siege and the closure.

  8. [The government is committed to] consolidating the ties with [our] sister Arab-Muslim states, friendly states and the [political] powers interested in liberty, justice, openness and cooperation regionally and internationally on a basis of mutual respect.

  Second: Jerusalem 1. The establishment of a high committee for Jerusalem affairs in accordance with the executive committee of the PLO to monitor the issues of steadfastness in Jerusalem and to allot funds from a clear [i.e., definite] government budget for Jerusalem, included in the general budget.

  2. To oppose [manifestations of] Israeli policy regarding Jerusalem—as related to the land, people and holy places—and to work to allot sufficient resources in the budget [of the Palestinian government] to support the steadfastness of the [Palestinian] residents of Jerusalem. In addition, public condemnation of the acts of the occupation regarding everything related to the city and holy Al-Aqsa mosque, while raising the issue of Jerusalem in local and international arenas and calling upon the sons of the Arab-Islamic nation to be responsible for defending Jerusalem and supporting its residents politically and through the media.

  Third: Confronting the [Israeli] occupation 1. The government asserts that all forms of “resistance,” including mass popular resistance against the occupation, is the Palestinian people’s legitimate right, ensured by all accepted international conventions. It is our people’s right to defend themselves against continued Israeli aggression.

  2. The government—through national reconciliation—will work to establish and extend the lull in the fighting, so that it becomes full and mutual, in return for the Israeli occupation’s commitment to stop all its measures, including assassinations [i.e., targeted killings], detentions, raids, razing buildings, exposing and confiscating lands, stopping the earthworks in Jerusalem,
removing the roadblocks, reopening the crossings, removing limitations on travel, and determining procedure and a defined schedule for releasing prisoners.

  3. The government ratifies what was said in the national conciliation document, according to which conducting negotiations is within the authority of the PLO and the chairman of the Palestinian Authority, based on adherence to and realizing the national Palestinian goals, and based on the defense of unshakable Palestinian rights and principles. Any diplomatic agreement reached will be presented to the new Palestinian National Council for ratification and signing, or a general referendum will be held of the Palestinian people at home and abroad within the framework of an appropriate law.

  4. The government will work to encourage the relevant parties involved to accelerate the conclusion of the affair of the captive Israeli soldier as part of an honorable exchange of prisoners and the return of the deported [Palestinians].

  5. The government emphasizes that regional peace and stability depend on the termination of the occupation, the return of our people’s national rights, the removal of the racist fence [i.e., the security fence] and the settlements, the termination of Judaization, of making Jerusalem a Jewish city and [the termination of] the policy of annexation and every form of racial discrimination, and the return of [the Palestinians’] rights.

  Fourth: Security

  The national unity government is aware of the seriousness of the internal security situation, and is of the opinion that one of its most important [missions] is taking control of the existing security situation. To that end, full cooperation is necessary between the presidency [the office of the chairman] and the government. To achieve that, the government will rely on the following [steps]: 1. Issuing a call and working for the reconvening of the high council for national security as the highest authority of all security forces and the agency for directing activity and determining policy.