15. Ban et al., Rural Development, 272.
Notes to Pages 349–357
693
16. Chosun Ilbo, September 6, 1963, 3.
17. Chosun Ilbo, May 14, 1961, 1, 2.
18. Chosun Ilbo, March 17, 1961, 3.
19. Chosun Ilbo, April 29, May 2–5, 1961; May 9, 1961, 1.
20. Ministry of Agriculture and Forestry (MAF), “Nongjông pansegi” [A Half Century of Agricultural Administration], 2000. Available at http://www.maf
.go.kr/intro/.
21. Park Chung Hee, Kukka-wa hyôngmyông-gwa na [The Nation, the Revolution, and I].
22. Gilbert T. Brown, Korean Pricing Policies and Economic Development in the 1960s (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1973), 49.
23. Chosun Ilbo, July 13, August 4, 1961.
24. Chosun Ilbo, December 24, 1961, 1.
25. Chosun Ilbo, January 31, 1962, 1.
26. Chosun Ilbo, February 20, 1962, 1.
27. MAF, “Nongjông panseki” [A Half Century of Agricultural Administration].
28. Chosun Ilbo, September 18, 1961, 1.
29. Yi Yông-jo, “Minjugonghwadang ch’angdang kwajông-e kwanhan han yôn’gu” [A Study of the Formation Process of the Democratic Republican Party] (M.A. thesis, Seoul National University, 1982).
30. Time, October 25, 1963.
31. Chosun Ilbo, August 30, 1963, 1.
32. Chosun Ilbo, August 31, 1963, 7; September 7, 1963, 2.
33. Chosun Ilbo, September 3, 1963, 7.
34. Chosun Ilbo, September 4, 1963, 7.
35. Chosun Ilbo, September 3, 1963, 7.
36. Chosun Ilbo, September 4, 1963, 7; September 10, 1963, 7.
37. Chosun Ilbo, September 11, 1963, 7; September 27, 1963, 7.
38. Chosun Ilbo, September 18, 1963, 1.
39. Chosun Ilbo, October 2, 1963, 7.
40. Chosun Ilbo, October 17, 1963, 3.
41. Chosun Ilbo, September 27, 1963, 1.
42. Democratic Republican Party (DRP), Kyôngnang-¤l hech’igo: minjugong-hwadang 2nyônsa [Through the Raging Waves: A Two-Year History of the DRP] (Seoul: Minjugonghwadang chungang samuguk, 1964), 104, 120.
43. Calculated from the Central Election Management Committee’s data.
44. Interview, February 23, 2001.
45. Chosun Ilbo, September 6, 1963, 3.
46. Interviews, February 21, 2001.
47. DRP, Kyôngnang-¤l hech’igo [Through the Raging Waves], 139.
48. The election law favored the leading party, by providing that it receive half of the listed “national” seats if it won less than 50 percent of votes; two-thirds of the seats if it won 50 or more percent of votes.
49. BOK (Bank of Korea), Kyôngje t’onggye yônbo, 1965 [Economic Statistics Yearbook, 1965], (Seoul: Bank of Korea, 1965).
50. Chosun Ilbo, October 22, October 24, 1963.
Notes to Pages 358–363
694
51. Chosun Ilbo, November 15, 1963, 2.
52. It was at this time of strategic change that Albert O. Hirschman’s The Strategy of Economic Development (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1958) was published by the Korea Productivity Center, on which the government had strong influence. The book, advocating the unbalanced growth strategy, became a bible for technocrats and some intellectuals.
53. S. H. Ban et al., Rural Development, 240, table 105, and 247, table 109.
54. Avishay Braverman, Choong Yong Ahn, and Jeffrey S. Hammer, Alternative Agricultural Pricing Policies in the Republic of Korea: Their Implications for Government Deficits, Income Distribution, and Balance of Payments, World Bank Staff Working Papers no. 621 (Washington, D.C.: World Bank, 1983), 130, table 12.
55. Braverman, Ahn, and Hammer, Alternative Agricultural Pricing Policies in the Republic of Korea: Their Implications for Government Deficits, Income Distribution, and Balance of Payments, 5–6, 109–117.
56. Chosun Ilbo, January 24, 1967, 1; January 27, 1967, 1.
57. Yi Kwan-ch’ôl, “ón¤ nongmin-¤i kagyebu: Ssalnongsa-n¤n chôkja. Su’ip 7manwônj¤ng, chich’ul 10manwônj¤ng” [The Accounts of a Peasant Household: Growing Rice Is a Losing Business. Income at 70,000 Won and Expenditure at 100,000 Won], Chosun Ilbo, January 31, 1967, 1. See also Chosun Ilbo, April 14, 1967, 2.
58. Sông Sin-g¤n, “Han nongmin-¤i ch’ehômgi: non’gap kyesok harak. Nonp’ara ija patn¤n’gôsi nongsa poda natda” [Experiences of a Peasant: The Price of Farmlands Falls Continuously. It is Better to Sell Farmlands and Earn Interest than Growing Rice], Chosun Ilbo, February 1, 1967, 1.
59. J. A. Kim, The Divided Korea, 271.
60. Sung Chick Hong, The Intellectual and Modernization: A Study of Korean Attitudes (Seoul: Social Research Institute, Korea University, 1967).
61. New Democratic Party (NDP), 6.8 Pujôngsôn’gôbaeksô [White Paper on Election Rigging in the June 8th Election] (Seoul: NDP, 1967).
62. Edward S. Mason et al., The Economic and Social Modernization of the Republic of Korea (Cambridge, Mass.: Council on East Asian Studies, Harvard University, 1980), 98, table 12.
63. See ibid., 428, table 127.
64. Ministry of Agriculture and Forestry, “Nongjông panseki” [A Half Century of Agricultural Administration].
65. Korea Annual, 1972. See also Man-gap Lee, “Pushing or Pulling” in Report of the International Conference on Urban Problems and Regional Development (Seoul: Yonsei University, 1970); John E. Sloboda, “Off-Farm Migration,” in Rural Development, ed. Ban et al.; Kazuo Kuramochi, “Rodoreki no kyokyu to roson no henyo” [Labor Supply and Changes of Rural Villages], in Kankoku kogyoka-no kozo [The Structure of Korean Industrialization], ed.
Tamio Hattori (Tokyo: Ajiakeizai kenkyusho, 1987), 172–173.
66. Chae-Jin Lee, “South Korea: Political Competition and Government Adaptation,” Asian Survey (January 1972), 42.
Notes to Pages 363–373
695
67. Economic Planning Board,, Korean Economic Indicators (Seoul, March 1982), 70.
68. Economists had long recommended the two-tier grain price system. See Chu Chong-hwan, “Kukka kyôngje-e issôsô nong’ ôp: chôngch’aekchôk koch’al”
[Agriculture in the National Economy: A Policy Review], Chosun Ilbo, January 26, 1967, 1.
69. Kira N. Greene, “Agricultural Policies and Political Competition in Korea, 1962–1988” (Ph.D. diss., Stanford University, 1997), 129–131.
70. Chosun Ilbo, November 11, 1972, 2.
71. Mick Moore, “Mobilization and Disillusion in Rural Korea: The Saema¤l Movement in Retrospect,” Pacific Affairs 57, no. 4 (Winter 1984–85): 587.
72. Jin-Hwan Park, “Introduction,” in Saema¤l: Korea’s New Community Movement, by Park Chung Hee (Seoul: Secretariat of the President, Republic of Korea, 1979), 1. These goals are almost the exact replica of those of the PMNR
of the junta period: hard work, frugality, perseverance, and self-help.
73. It was in 1973, after the yushin era began, that the Saema¤l undong, aided by increased government investment, began to show positive results in rural life.
See Ban et al., Rural Development, 275–280.
74. Park Chung Hee, Saema¤l: Korea’s New Community Movement, 129.
75. Jae-On Kim and B. C. Koh, “Regionalism and Voter Alignment,” in Party Politics and Elections in Korea, ed. C. I. Eugene Kim and Young Whan Kihl (Silver Spring, Md.: Research Institute on Korean Affairs, 1976).
76. Albert O. Hirschman, “The Changing Tolerance for Income Inequality in the Course of Economic Development,” Quarterly Journal of Economics 87 (November 1983): 544–565.
77. Interview, February 21, 2001.
78. Interview, February 21, 2001.
79. Interview, February 21, 2001.
80. Interview, February 22, 2001.
81. Interview, February 23, 2001.
82. James C. Scott, The Moral Economy of the Peasant (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1976), chaps. 1 and 2.
13. The Chaeya
<
br /> 1. A survey of chaeya leaders of the 1970s showed their moralistically articulated self-identity. Only 14.9 percent saw themselves as engaging in “political activities,” whereas 24 percent thought they were participating as “citizens.” On the other hand, 64.9 percent said that they had joined the chaeya out of their sense of “moral imperatives,” while 32.4 percent identified “reform as their prime motive.” See Ryu K¤n-il, Kwônwiju¤ich’ejeha-¤i minjuhwa undong yôn’gu: 1960–70nyôndae chedo’oejôk pandaeseryôk-¤i hyôngsônggwajông
[A Study of the Democratization Movements under an Authoritarian Regime: The Formation Process of Extra-Institutional Opposition Forces in the 1960s and 1970s] (Seoul: Nanam, 1997), 112.
Notes to Pages 375–379
696
2. Given South Korea’s anticommunist political culture, the chaeya dissidents’
public declarations were devoid of any Marxist-Leninist anti-imperialist ideas.
But these ideas had been present in chaeya circles from the bottom up for a long time. The chaeya leaders of the 1970s included writings by Mao Zedong (1), Marx (3), V. I. Lenin (6), and Ho Chi Minh (14) among their 15 most frequently used sources of political ideas. The Christian teachings of Ham Sôk-hôn (4), Pak Hyông-gyu (10), Dietrich Bonhoeffer (11), and Jesus (13) were also at the top. Among South Korea’s founding generation of chaeya leaders, Yi Yông-h¤i (2), Chang Chun-ha (5), and Kim Chi-ha (15) also left a lasting legacy. Two modern Korean nationalist leaders, Sin Ch’ae-ho (7) and Kim Ku (8), were also revered. Ibid., 117–118.
3. Kukka chaegôn ch’oegohoe¤i han’guk kunsa hyôngmyôngsa p’yônchan wiwônhoe [Compilation Committee on Korean Military Revolution History, Supreme Council for National Reconstruction], Han’guk kunsa hyông-myôngsa, sang [A History of the Korean Military Revolution, vol. 1] (Seoul: Kukka chaegôn ch’oegohoe¤i [Supreme Council of National Reconstruction],1962) 274; Cho H¤i-yôn, “50, 60, 70nyôndae minjok minju undong-
¤i chun’gaegwajông-e kwanhan yôn’gu” [Research on the Evolution of Nationalist Democracy Movements], in Han’guk sahoe undongsa: han’guk-pyônhyôgundong- ¤i yôksa-wa 80nyôndae-¤i chôn’gaegwajông [History of Korean Social Movements: A History of Korean Revolution and the Process in the 80s] , ed. Cho H¤i-yôn (Seoul: Chuksan, 1990), 75.
4. Park Chung Hee, Kukka-wa hyôngmyông-gwa na [The Nation, the Revolution, and I] (Seoul: Hyangmunsa, 1963), 74.
5. Sasanggye (June 1961): 34–35. However, it only took a month for the magazine to modify its evaluation of the coup. In its July 1961 issue, p. 35, Chang Chun-ha suggested that the significance of the May16 coup could not be found in its continuity with the April 1960 uprising. Ham Sôk-hôn derided the coup for the first time, saying that “soldiers should not engage in revolution.”
See Sasanggye (July 1961): 26–47.
6. Ham Sôk-hôn (1901–1989) hailed from Yongch’ôn, North P’yôngan Province, after being arrested for his participation in Cho Man-sik’s rightist-nationalist political organization. Ham Sôk-hôn advocated democratization as the best way to prevail over the North in the struggle over regime legitimacy.
7. Kye Hun-je (1921–1999) was born in Sônch’ôn, North P’yôngan Province.
During the 1945–1948 post-liberation era, Kye Hun-je joined the rightist-nationalist camp headed by Kim Ku and took part in a protest movement against the installment of the United Nations trusteeship over the Korean Peninsula.
8. Born into a family with strong Christian traditions, Mun Ik-hwan (1918–
1994) migrated to the South after witnessing a brutal confrontation between the Christian church and communists in the Soviet-occupied North Korea.
Mun Ik-hwan, Kas¤m-¤ro mannan p’yôngyang: Mun Ik-hwan, Yu Wôn-ho byônhoindan sanggo iyusô [Visiting P’yôngyang with an Open Heart: A Statement of Reasons for an Appeal to the Supreme Court by the Defense Counsel of Mun Ik-hwan and Yu Wôn-ho] (Seoul: Samminsa, 1990), 14–17.
9. During the post-liberation era, Chang Chun-ha (1918–1975), a fervent anti-
Notes to Pages 379–381
697
communist, worked for conservative Kim Ku as his secretary and served as dean of academic affairs at the Central Training School of the rightist youth group Korean National Youth (KNY), led by Yi Pôm-sôk. Chang Chun-ha was born in £iju, North P’yôngan Province, and studied theology during his youth. Chang Chun-ha sônsaeng ch’umomunjip kanhaeng wiwônhoe [Publishing Committee for Anthology in Memory of Chang Chun-ha], Minjokhon, minjuhon, chayuhon: Chang Chun-ha-¤i saengae-wa sasang [National Spirit, Democratic Spirit, Free Spirit: The Life and Philosophy of Chang Chun-ha]
(Seoul: Nanam, 1995); Sô Chung-sôk, “Pundanch’eje t’ap’a-e momdônjin Chang Chun-ha” [Chang Chun-ha: His Fight to End the Divided Korean Peninsula, ” Yôksa pip’yông [Critiques of History] 28 (Fall 1997): 62–85.
10. Paek Ki-wan (1933- ) followed Kim Ku in becoming a pro-unification activist after starting out his political career as a radical anticommunist. Paek Ki-wan was also a northerner, born in Kim Ku’s Hwanghae Province.
11. An Pyông-mu, the “father” of the uniquely Korean minjung theology, was born in South P’yôngan Province. Like many refugees from the North, An Pyông-mu harbored strong anticommunist sentiments after witnessing the atrocities committed by the communists in the North, but also hoped to transcended left-right struggles. In 1951, he launched the publication of the monthly magazine Yasông (Being in the Opposition). By the late 1960s, he developed what he called minjung theology, which he hoped would free society from the powers of the conservative South Korean church and its orthodox theology. An Pyông-mu, Minjungsinhak iyagi [The Story of Minjung Theology] (Seoul: Han’guk sinhak yôn’guso [Korea Institute of Theology], 1987), 17–20.
12. Born in Unsan, North P’yôngan Province, the hypocrisy and deceit Yi Yông-h¤i saw during the Korean War led him to hold a “religious-like conviction of denying any loyalty to anything.” Yi Yông-h¤i, Yôkchông: na-¤i ch’ông-nyônsidae [My Life Journey: My Youth] (Seoul: Ch’angjak-kwa pip’yôngsa, 1988), 241.
13. Many of the founding generation also jointly or individually progressed toward an unwavering pro-unification stand during their later years, putting unification before all other political values. They did so not only because they longed for reunion with their native provincial homes, but also because they felt an urgent need to deny Park and his regime the pretext for repression in the name of national security.
14. Student Coalition for the Opposition of Shameful Korea-Japan Talks,
“Minjokjôk minjuju¤i-r¤l changryehanda” [A Funeral for Nationalistic Democracy],” in Minjok, minju, minjung sônôn [Declaration of the Nation, Democracy, and Minjung], ed. Kim Sam-ung (Seoul: Ilwôlsôgak, 1984), 41–42; see also 6.3 Tongjihoe [Compilation Committee of the History of the June Third Student Movement], 6.3 Haksaeng undongsa [History of the 6.3 Student Movement] (Seoul: 6.3 Tongjihoe, 1994), 90.
15. Sasanggye (July 1964): 26–27.
16. “Special Edition: The Debacle of Abnormal Diplomacy,” Sasanggye (May 1964): 28–58.
Notes to Pages 382–386
698
17. “Declaration of the National Committee for Struggle against the Third-term Constitutional Revision,” Sasanggye (August 1969): 132–133.
18. Kim Sam-ung, ed., Minjok, minju, minjung sônôn [Declaration of the Nation, Democracy, and Minjung], 82–99.
19. Taedong p’yônjippu, ed., T’onghyôkdang: yôksa, sônggyôk, t’ujaeng, munhôn
[The Unification Revolution Party: History, Character, Struggle, Documents]
(Seoul: Taedong p’yônjippu, 1989); Narasarang p’yônjippu, ed., T’ongil hyôngmyôngdang [The Unification Revolution Party] (Seoul: Narasarang, 1988).
20. “Dear Faithfuls around the Nation!” Sasanggye (October 1969): 108–111.
21. Korea University Student Council, “Open Letter to the Press,” Sasanggye (September 1969): 143.
22. Seoul National University Student Council, “Message
to Professors Nationwide,” Sasanggye (October 1969): 158.
23. Ch’oe Chang-jip, Han’guk-¤i nodong undong-gwa kukka [The State and Labor Movements in Korea] (Seoul: Yôl¤msa, 1988); Ch’oe Chang-jip, Han’guk hyôndae chôngch’i-¤i kujo-wa pyônhwa [The Structure and Transformation of Contemporary Korean Politics] (Seoul: Kkach’i, 1989).
24. Mun Ik-hwan, “Igôn k’allal-ida” [This Is the Blade of a Knife], in Haebang- ¤i nolli-wa chajusasang: kunkmin yôrôpun’kkye t¤rin¤n k¤l [The Logic of Liberation and the Philosophy of Autonomy: To the People of South Korea], ed.
Chang Ki-p’yo (Seoul: Ch’in’gu, 1988), 7.
25. The farmers did not join the chaeya until the 1980s. The experience of the
“class war” precipitated by the spread of radical leftist labor-peasant movements and the ensuing political repression during the late 1940s made the South Korean peasants one of the last sectors within society to look at political activism as a viable option.
26. Kodae nodongmunje yôn’guso [Korea University Institute of Labor], Kodaenoyôn 30nyônsa: 1965–1998 [30 Years’ History of the Korea University Institute of Labor] (Seoul: Koryôdaehak nodongmunje yôn’guso) [Korea University Institute of Labor Issues], 1998).
27. Ch’oe Chang-jip, Han’guk-¤i nodong undong-gwa kukka [The State and Labor Movements in Korea].
28. “Dear Faithfuls around the Nation!”
29. Han’guk kidokkyo sahoemunje yônguwôn [Korean Christian Institute of Social Research], 1970nyôndae minjuhwa undong-gwa kidokkyo [Christianity and Democratization Movements in the 1970s] (Seoul: Han’guk kidokkyo sahoemunje yônguwôn, 1983), 41–91, 110–126.
30. Sahoebôb hakhoe, Seoul National University, “Kwangju taedanji pinmin silt’ae chosabogosô” [Survey on the Poverty Situation of the Kwangju Complex], (October 1971), 3, and Han’guk kidok’kyo sahoemunje yônguwôn, 1970nyôndae minjuhwa undong-gwa kidokkyo [Christianity and Democratization Movements in the 1970s], 99.
31. Urban poverty was a serious social problem by the early 1970s. Between 1960
and 1966, a total of 1,409,000 people had migrated from the countryside to the city. The rate of rural-urban migration accelerated even more during the
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