The Omega Covenant

by Richard Holcroft

  “So you feel these bunker-busters are the best approach?” the president asked. “One of my predecessors severely damaged the Natanz facility with a cyber-attack. Why isn’t that an option?”

  “The Stuxnet worm was only mildly successful, despite what previous administrations claimed,” Hudsell said. “Yes, it damaged ten percent of the nine thousand centrifuges in operation, but the Iranians brought in hundreds of new machines and were back up to speed in less than a year–and that was with sanctions in place. They didn’t miss a beat and may have actually copied the virus to turn around and use on us.”

  “Which is why an explosive attack is our best–and maybe only–option,” Wall added. “We destroy not only the centrifuges but their infrastructure, as well.”

  “How many bombs would we need?” the president asked.

  “We won’t know until we see an updated set of photos and analyses,” Secretary Hudsell said. “But we’ve been doing trial runs the past few months at White Sands, and based on those results, I’d say three or four would render enough damage to two nuclear complexes they’d be back at the negotiating table post haste–much more serious this time.”

  “Israel is also ready to act,” Glass added. “We could sit back and let them do the dirty work if needed.”

  “Not with the bunker buster we can’t,” Hudsell said. “We haven’t agreed to give it to them–and probably won’t. Plus, they’re designed strictly for the B-2 and B-52, and they don’t have either.”

  Giraud added, “They were for our use only for that very reason–to ally Israel’s concerns. We even went to the trouble to build a replica facility at White Sands to demonstrate to them how the monster bomb would wipe out Iran’s plants anytime we wanted. That’s what has satisfied them until now.”

  “But that’s the crucial point,” Hudsell said. “We have the capability, but under what circumstances do we actually use it?”

  “Amen,” Wright said. “It doesn’t work as a threat if Iran knows we’ll never drop it.”

  “I would do everything in our power to ensure Israel had this Massive Ordnance Penetrator bunker-buster bomb,” Hudsell continued. “Fit it on a missile, for God’s sake, if that was our only option.”

  “Mr. President, Iran, the world’s number one sponsor of terrorism, cannot be allowed to get a nuclear weapon under any circumstances,” Giraud said. “Especially now after cheating like hell on the Obama-P5 accords?”

  “I’ll second that,” Hudsell said. “Iran is, and has been since 1979, dedicated to wiping the US and Israel off the face of the earth and replacing us with their vision of radical Islam.”

  “And even if they don’t actually produce a nuclear weapon,” Giraud continued, “the radioactive waste alone produced by one of their nuclear power plants could be used to create a dirty bomb, which could then be easily released in one of our major cities.”

  The president thought about it a few more moments. “Okay, so we know Tehran is aware of our bunker-buster’s capabilities. Let’s get a message to their representatives through Moscow or Damascus to remind them of what we’ve got.” Chief of Staff Wright nodded.

  National Security Advisor Wall then said, “Mr. President, we also had an incident yesterday we need to address.”

  “The one in this morning’s briefing book?”

  “Yes, sir. Iran is once again harassing our ships in the Persian Gulf and the Strait of Hormuz.” Wall looked at the president but directed his remarks to the others, as well.

  “Just bluster and posturing on their part, don’t you think?” Wright asked. “We’ve been down this road before, and it didn’t amount to a hill of beans.”

  Wall shook his head. “This time is different. They came damn close to our boats and fired multiple shots in their direction. Our entire Fifth Fleet is on high alert over these provocations, and we’ve put the Iranians on notice their acts will not be tolerated.”

  “Run down the chain of events again,” Secretary Glass said.

  Wall checked his notes. “Five Iranian patrol boats approached three of our warships in the Strait of Hormuz–a cruiser, the USS Mobile Bay, accompanied by a destroyer and a frigate, engaged in routine training maneuvers. The radio officer of the Mobile Bay attempted to make radio contact with the Iranians but were unsuccessful.”

  Secretary of Defense Hudsell said, “We’ve got the entire episode on audio and video.”

  “Right,” Wright said. “And all Iranian boats, though small in size, were visibly and substantially armed. Machine guns in the bow at the very least.”

  “What was the Iranians’ response to our accusations?” the president asked.

  Hudsell smirked. “Normal BS–that once again we were at fault for trying to provoke an incident.”

  Glass added, “The sort of thing that happens all the time in crowded areas. It may not be anything to be concerned about.”

  Wright shook his head. “I respectfully disagree. Yesterday’s encounter ratcheted things up considerably. It occurred in roughly the same location as the last confrontation–a few miles to the northwest of Hormuz on the Persian Gulf side. In that case, one of our cruisers, the USS Cape St. George, and two escort ships were engaged in a rescue operation involving a downed F-18 off the Theodore Roosevelt. Three Iranian gunboats proceeded to harass and encircle our boats–at one point coming within two hundred yards of our frigate.”

  “We attempted to contact them and warn them to back off,” Secretary Hudsell said, “but they continued. At that point, our destroyer, the USS Arleigh Burke, fired a series of warning shots, which had its desired effect. The Iranian boats retreated, and the State Department subsequently filed a diplomatic protest.”

  Giraud added, “They’re also claiming the navy’s so-called evidence of yesterday’s incident is merely file footage, and that the audio was fabricated.”

  “It better not have been,” McHugh said “Were we in Iran’s waters when this happened?”

  Wall suddenly appeared somewhat nervous. “We’re still examining ships’ logs and GPS data to ascertain their precise location, whether they were in the territorial waters of Iran or Oman, but yes we believe they were in Iranian waters. I’ll point out, however, we have the right to be there under the transit passage provisions of the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea.”

  “Which neither nation has ratified,” Giraud said.

  “Correct, but for years both the US and Iran have accepted traditional navigation rules as reflected in the Convention, although Irani leaders insist their country ‘reserves the right to require prior authorization to pass through its territorial waters,’ which has caused problems for us in the past.”

  The president scowled and said, “Regardless, I want a full investigation of this incident ASAP. I don’t want to be caught with our pants down if we’re at fault here. It could’ve been nothing more than Iran playing games, trying to show who’s boss under the circumstances of the nuke deal. But we’ve got a powder keg about to explode in this region. One spark and all hell could break loose. And we don’t want to be the party responsible.”

  “We’d better be prepared if the region does explode, though,” Secretary Glass added. “If Israel decides to take matters into its own hands and bombs the facility at Natanz, for example, Iran will assume the US is complicit in the attack and could strike our own facilities in the Middle East.”

  President McHugh’s face turned red as it often did when the subject of Israeli unilateral action came up. “We’ve warned Israeli Prime Minister Peretz and Defense Minister Drechsler multiple times an attack on Iran could–and probably would–jeopardize the fragile peace process, and they should not expect US support if they go off on their own and attack Iranian facilities.”

  Giraud smirked, “If Israel thinks it has problems with terrorism now, wait until it strikes Iran. Its problems will rise exponentially.”

  Secretary Hudsell nodded. “Without our help, we believe the Israelis would get their butts kicked–and
good.”

  Glass shrugged. “But they don’t think so. In fact, they don’t think Iran would retaliate at all, and they’re willing to take matters in their own hands if need be. It’s not just the nuke plants Israel is worried about. Iran now controls a significant portion of Iraq and extending its influence to Jordan and Egypt, as well. Having the ability to make nukes would give them a big enough hammer to seal the deal.”

  “Regardless, war with Iran would be a tough go,” Secretary Hudsell said. “The distance from the Iranian mainland to our base in Bahrain and the Fifth Fleet is slightly over a hundred miles, which makes our ships sitting ducks for Iranian missiles fired from speedboats for God’s sake.”

  “I agree, this would be a different kind of war,” the president said. “And as of now we have marginal support of the Iranian people. But take out one of their reactors, and they’d surely turn against us–perhaps leading to another ground war in the Middle East.”

  “Plus, Iran would almost certainly threaten shipping in the Strait of Hormuz,” Wright added, “likely touching off a global oil crisis and food production panic, as well.”

  “Which may all be true,” Wall said. “But we can’t let this smallpox attack go unchecked. We need to respond in a big way or risk being considered a paper tiger.”

  “I agree one hundred percent,” Giraud said. “We’ve got to demonstrate strength and resolve and retaliate in a significant way. Massive strikes on their nuclear facilities would serve that purpose.”

  “You bet,” Wall said. “It’s not going to get any easier if we delay.” He paused to let his argument sink in for a moment and continued. “I’ll remind you, too, the Saudis warned us years back Iran wouldn’t stick to its end of the bargain it signed with the US and Big-5 countries regarding its nuclear program. So now, they and other Arab countries aren’t going to sit back and let Iran develop nuclear weapons without matching them, kiloton-for-kiloton.”

  “Right,” Giraud said. “The Saudis have already signed nuclear-cooperation agreements with South Korea and Pakistan for enriching their own uranium for just such purposes.”

  The president nodded and rocked forward in his chair, suggesting he’d heard enough. “Okay, once again we’ll put Iran on notice to cease and desist their threats and maneuvers. Secretary Hudsell, I want your war planners to make sure our plans and target profiles are precise and up-to-date.” Then he glared at Glass and the others. “We’ll go that far for now but hold off attacking a nuke plant.”

  From the look on the defense secretary’s face, it was obvious he didn’t agree with the president’s decision.

  “I’ll remind all of you,” the president said, “we may be holding the future of the planet in our hands… and I will not be intimidated or rushed into war with Iran.”

  30

  Kauai, July 12th

  Hollingsworth arranged his meeting with Carl Khadem to take place at the small picnic area on the Kauai Harborview Resort’s pristine grounds. A union organizer in Honolulu named Tony Russo suggested Carl Khadem’s services upon the recommendation of a Las Vegas friend, who touted him as both professional and accurate.

  Russo had given Hollingsworth background information about Khadem, a former Army Ranger who hadn’t fit in well with the military and honorably discharged. He subsequently spent a couple of years working for Blackwater Security under contract to the State Department training Iraqi police. When the company got into trouble for being “overzealous and over-realistic” in its training activities, several members left Blackwater and went into business for themselves, basically freelancing for any organization that needed intelligence, protection, or assassination.

  Khadem was one of those members.

  “Morning,” Hollingsworth said, as he sat down beside him on the metal bench near the tennis courts. “We meet again.”

  “Mornin’,” Khadem answered, unenthusiastically.

  “I spoke with Russo, and we’re confident you’re the man we want.”

  He shrugged. “We still talkin’ about the big man?”

  He paused for a moment, then said, “Yes, can you handle it?”

  “Depends.”

  “On what?”

  “The contract price still being on the table, and my chances of getting caught still slim. This is a big job we’re talkin’ about.”

  “No argument here.”

  Hollingsworth stared at the building a few hundred yards away–the exclusive Harborview Hotel on the outskirts of Lihue. It was the tallest building in the immediate area, although squatty compared to buildings on the other islands. By Kauai law no building could be taller than the highest palm tree–about thirty-five feet–and while this hotel was two stories high, it was well under that.

  “The president will be attending a fundraiser here tonight about seven thirty.”

  “I assume he’ll be arriving a little before that.”

  “Right. I’m guessing ten minutes or so prior. I would have preferred doing it at the Grand Marriott earlier in the day, but it has a formidable porte cochere at the front entrance, which makes a clear shot problematic.”

  “Here’s better,” Khadem agreed.

  “I suggest you position yourself over there,” he said, pointing to a small clump of bushes over his left shoulder. “There are a couple of good places to conceal yourself.”

  He nodded.

  “What kind of rifle?”

  Khadem stared at him for a moment, not sure why he wanted to know, or cared. “An M110 semi-auto carbine with scope and suppressor–7.62 round. I’m more interested in accuracy than rapid-fire capability.”

  Hollingsworth nodded. “You should have a clear shot as McHugh exits the limo to enter the hotel. I’m guessing the vehicles will line up roughly north and south along the driveway. Secret Service agents will shield him closely, of course, but there should be enough distance between the hotel entrance and parked limos that he’ll be open at some point, if only for a few seconds.”

  Carl studied the location again. “And if I don’t get a clean shot?”

  “Don’t take it. We don’t want you to miss and hit Secret Service agents or bystanders instead.”

  “What about the money in that case?”

  “You’ll still get the agreed amount.” He reached into his leather briefcase. “The first half now.” Hollingsworth handed him a stack of hundreds. Khadem flipped through the bills and stuck it in his backpack. “The rest when you reach Oahu.”

  “And that’ll be by boat?”

  “Right. There’ll be a car parked for you behind the yellow cottage over there,” he said, pointing to their right. “A gray Ford Taurus with stolen plates. Here’s the key; make sure you’re wearing gloves.”

  “Always do,” Khadem said, again mildly annoyed.

  “Put the rifle in your case, drive at the speed limit to the small craft marina at Nawiliwili, and park the car in the least obvious place you can find.”

  He nodded. “I’ve already checked it out.”

  “Two guys will be waiting for you at slip 42. They’ll take you to Kaneohe.” He paused for a moment to make sure Khadem understood. “Ditch the rifle once you’re out to sea.”

  Khadem shook his head. “Rifles are hard enough to come by around here, and a suppressor is strictly illegal. It’d be almost impossible for me to replace this setup anytime soon. I’ll keep what I’ve got, thank you.”

  Hollingsworth thought about arguing at first but reluctantly agreed. “All right. Just don’t fuck it up.”

  Khadem gave him a dirty look. “Don’t worry about me. You take care of business at your end, and we’ll be just fine.”

  “Everything’s set.”

  “And tell me again what I do when I get to Kaneohe,” Khadem said.

  “A car and driver will be waiting at the marina on the other side. He’ll have the other half of what we owe and take you to a nearby safe house rented under the name Padilla. Hole up there for a few days. We’ll give you the all clear by text once we
’ve gauged public reaction to the shooting and how actively the police and feds are looking for you–at least two or three days, I figure. The place has a kitchen and ample supply of food, so you’ll be all right as long as we need you to stay low.”

  “And what if something goes wrong?”

  “Someone will contact you at the safe house within hours, so just wait there. No landline calls at all, and no cell calls before then.”

  Khadem nodded and looked in his eyes. “You wouldn’t screw me on this deal, would you, Kent? My friends wouldn’t be happy about that.”

  Hollingsworth shook his head. “We’d be fools to do that. You just do your job, and we’ll take care of things at this end.”

  31

  The Pentagon

  Army Lieutenant General Vance Miller, newly appointed Director for Operations of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, studied the cloth-bound briefing book in front of him. His subordinate, Vice Director of Operations Rear Admiral Howard Simmons, other staff officers, assistants, and DOD intelligence officers completed the assemblage of military and civilian operations personnel summoned on very short notice.

  General Miller nodded to one of his aides who turned on a wall-mounted monitor. The general began, “We’ve been instructed by the president and Joint Chiefs to update our contingency plans for a possible strike on one of Iran’s nuclear power plants.”

  Several flag officers looked up, surprised. “Why the sudden change?” one asked.

  “Intelligence sections at both DIA and CIA indicate Iran, through one of its state-sponsored terrorist groups, is directly responsible for the smallpox attack in our country. Mossad, in fact, agrees with that assessment, as does the Iraqi government. The Joint Chiefs recommended an immediate retaliatory strike, but the president wants to hold off until he’s had a chance to consult with other major powers.”

  Admiral Simmons shook his head. “The president is making a big mistake. Iran is known for talking its opponents to death. Serious negotiations with them is useless.”

  “The Israelis are also pushing hard for a preemptive strike,” Miller added.