Henry Knox

by Mark Puls

  Knox remained steadfast in his belief that the army should restore itself in winter quarters, preferably somewhere along the Schuylkill about thirty miles from Philadelphia. The troops did not have adequate clothing and food to withstand a winter campaign, he wrote Washington on December 1 and 5, nor did they possess the proper cannons to batter enemy fortifications.36

  Lucy continued to write with urgent pleas to be with him in Philadelphia. She wondered how he could love her and yet insist on their separation, which by now had persisted for almost a year. He responded in a letter on Tuesday, December 2: "No man on earth, separated from all he holds dear on earth, has every suffered more than I have in being absent from you whom I hold dearer than any other object." He explained that many of the troops were going days without food, lacked adequate clothing or even shelter, and the strain of all these hardships was borne under the constant anxiety that the British could attack at any minute. At that very moment, news arrived in camp that Howe's army was on the move. The battlefront was no place for his wife and daughter.37 The current alarm proved to be false; the redcoats failed to strike that day.

  The congressional committee arrived at the White Marsh camp at noon on Wednesday, December 3. Morris, nicknamed the "financier of the revolution," had worked closely with Washington to raise funds for the army. Gerry was from Marblehead, Massachusetts, and had been a successful merchant before the war. He supported Conway and Gates. Jones was from Washington's home state of Virginia and was the uncle of James Monroe. The commander met with the delegates and ran down the litany of reasons why his generals opposed an attack on the enemy's front lines. The next day he supplied them with the written arguments of Knox, Greene, and the rest of the war council. Before the committee could come to an understanding, the British appeared about three miles from the right side of the American line on Chestnut Hill. Knox moved fifty-two cannons into place and prepared for battle. The armies skirmished for four days with the British moving to the American left on Friday. On Monday, December 8, the British gave up the fight and retreated to Philadelphia.

  The congressional committee in camp agreed that an attack on Philadelphia and a winter campaign were not advisable and that Washington's army needed reinforcements, reorganization, and greater pay for officers to relieve some of the discontent and the almost-daily resignations of commissions. Knox had reason to be concerned about his position; General Conway's credibility in Congress was clearly rising, and the Frenchman was publicly critical of Knox's advice to Washington. On Saturday, December 13, 1777, delegates appointed Conway to the coveted rank of major general and unanimously named him inspector general of the army.38

  Knox moved with the army to set up winter quarters. The troops arrived on Friday, December 19, at Valley Forge, along the Schuylkill about nineteen miles from Philadelphia. Knox favored the position because it allowed the army to prevent Howe's men from venturing farther into Pennsylvania to gather supplies. The site was a forest valley between two rolling hills and naturally protected on two sides by a river and a creek. The surrounding trees provided lumber for cabins, and roads could be cut beneath a protective canopy of pine. The men had few tents or blankets and needed to build barracks quickly. Knox took up headquarters in a small stone home owned by John Brown, which sat alongside the Valley Creek, a short distance along the same stream that ran by Washington's headquarters and a short walk from Lafayette's. While the troops built log-cabin quarters, Knox's regiment set up an artillery park outside the stockade fences that were erected. He received the news on December 20 that France was backing up its support for America. The French ship Flamond had arrived at Portsmouth, New Hampshire, loaded with 48 four-pound brass cannons complete with carriages, along with nineteen-inch mortars, 2,500 nine-inch bombs, and 2,000 four-pound cannon balls. The shipment also included 4,100 stands of arms, gunpowder, and provisions.

  Washington began to believe that criticism against both he and his top commanders was now amounting to a concerted movement to replace him, which became known as the Conway Cabal. Knox heard the criticism leveled against his judgment. Gates's supporters tried unsuccessfully to woo the Marquis de Lafayette, who reported back to the commander in chief. Lafayette wrote of the abuse of his excellency's circle that "The Tories fomented all these dissensions. Greene, Hamilton, and Knox, his best friends, were slandered.“39

  Washington was wounded by the betrayal, but defiant. He sent for his wife, Martha, to visit him at Valley Forge and told his generals, "I have not sought for this place. If I am displeasing to the nation I will retire; but until then I will oppose all intrigues.“40

  Henry wanted to return to Boston to visit Lucy while the army remained inactive, but Washington was reluctant to part with his trusted aides during the most serious political crisis of his military career.

  Henry and eight other brigadier generals signed a memorial headed "Protest of General Officers to Congress" opposing Conway's promotion and pledging their support of Washington.41 Knox also wrote to Massachusetts congressman Elbridge Gerry on January 4, 1778, saying that the majority of the army was faithful to the commander in chief: "The prepossessions of the army in favor of the character [Washington] hinted at are founded upon a thorough experience of his ability, judgment, courage and attachment—and they would infinitely prefer him before a Turrenne or Conde. Every military character on this continent, taken collectively vanished before him, and he is not only a soldier but a patriot in the fullest sense of the word. As it is impossible truly to describe a living character, it must be left to posterity to do him justice." Knox explained that there were many jealousies in the army. Some wanted fame and glory; others were driven by financial concerns and the prestige and the power of high rank, in contrast to Washington's noble motives. "Something must be attributed to a rational, manly desire to be instrumental in the defense of the liberties of this country.“42

  Knox was already formulating a plan for a summer campaign. He wrote to Washington that the British were confined to two harbors, New York and Philadelphia. Of these, New York was more valuable because of its central location, accessible ports, and waterways to supply the Continental Army. Knox recommended that Washington concentrate on liberating the northern city using New England militia along with 5,000 men from the main army and reinforcements from the two brigades already along the Hudson River.

  Knox's desires to see his family and fulfill his duty were usually at cross-purposes, but now they came to a confluence. Washington agreed that Knox should return to New England to check on the arsenals. Henry was given orders on Thursday, January 8, 1778, to prepare for the spring military campaign. As the head of the ordnance department, he had to assess the coming needs of the army. Washington told him to visit the arsenals at Springfield and Carlisle, to hire more workers for the gear-up, and to form additional magazines. He also had to arrange for artillery wagons and teamsters to haul the heavy guns from Albany to Valley Forge.43

  While these duties were pressing and extensive, for Henry the mission was also a chance to return to Lucy and the long-awaited reunion with his family.

  SIX

  TURNING OF THE TIDE

  Three hundred miles of snow-swept roads lay between Henry and Lucy. He set out from Valley Forge in mid-January 1778, bracing against the weather and accompanied by one of his artillery commanders, Captain Thomas Vose, a fellow native of Massachusetts. They rode north in a carriage until the snow became too thick for the wheels, then found a tracked sleigh to take them the rest of the way. As they coasted along the white-frosted landscape, the trace connecting the harness to the horses snapped in two. Vose climbed from the sleigh, pulled out a knife, and carved two holes in each of the severed pieces, then bound them together with a silk handkerchief. To the men's surprise, the trace held together until they could find someplace to make repairs.

  As they traveled, Knox's thoughts remained on the threat to his career and Washington's in the wake of the Conway Cabal. When he reached Poughkeepsie, New York, on January 1
8, he took time to write his friend General Benjamin Lincoln, who was recovering from a minor wound suffered during the American victory at Saratoga. Knox mixed congratulations with an explanation of the inertia of Washington's army: "We at the Southward are quite put out of countenance by the brilliancy of your success, not that any exertions have been wanting on the part of the army; but at least we ought to have equal numbers with our opponent, which was not the case.“1

  When he reached Boston, Lucy was overjoyed to see him. He assured her that his love remained unabated and that he still cherished her above all else. He had longed to see his daughter, young Lucy. While he spent his evenings and nights with his family, his days in Boston were committed to military business. He was not on leave.

  The town showed the battle scars from the British occupation as well as his own cannonading in 1776 in the battle to liberate it. After the Battle of Saratoga, Burgoyne's defeated, paroled British soldiers wandered the Boston streets, waiting for ships to transport them back to England. Knox visited the arsenals, met with the commissaries, hired workers, and inventoried the stock of arms. He sent Washington a list of the ordnance and estimates of the army's needs for the coming campaign. According to his estimates, Spring-field and Boston had 7,000 arms, of which 4,000 would be sent to Pennsylvania to supply fresh enlistments.

  He also saw that the recruiting efforts in his home state were progressing slowly. Inducements and bounties of land and money were not providing adequate incentive for men to join the ranks. Although he advised the Massachusetts Legislature to institute a draft, many of the assemblymen balked, believing their constituents would not abide conscription. Knox wrote to Washington on Wednesday, February 4, 1778, criticizing the state legislators' reasoning and recommending a Continental draft. Leaders in each state were hesitant to fill the national needs, many believing other states had not done enough, that their state had already done too much, and that local needs were a higher priority than the Continental Army. Knox believed the only way every state would fully comply with its quota would be if congressional legislation spelled out the expectations from each state. Relying on the states to spearhead enlistment was unreliable, Knox pointed out: "This is a debilitated way of thinking and I have no doubt were Congress to press the matter and leave no alternative, that your Excellency would in April find yourself at the head of a powerful body of forces fully equal to all exigencies.“2

  Because of the high wartime inflation—the cost of imports was six times higher than usual—Henry found it difficult to fill the civilian jobs at the arsenals despite offering exorbitant wages of $30 a month along with a suit of clothes and another suit every year along with the usual army rations. He wrote Washington that he would add an allotment of half a pint of rum per day to sweeten the deal. The contracts for many of the workers ended in March.

  Knox traveled the surrounding country trying to procure lead. Here, too, wartime inflation drove up the price. Every dollar spent by the army was precious because the soldiers back at Valley Forge were starving. The choice was between bread and bullets.

  Much of Knox's frustration lay with the Continental Congress, which appeared unwilling or unable to relieve the deprivations and suffering of the army. Massachusetts delegate Elbridge Gerry, who supported Thomas Conway, wrote Knox on Saturday, February 7, responding to Henry's earlier letter in praise of Washington. Instead of addressing the needs of the army, Gerry's letter focused on the politics within the army. He insisted that Congress was not trying to replace the commander in chief: "I have not yet been able to make any discoveries that can justify a suspicion of a plan being formed to injure the reputation of, or remove from office, the gentleman hinted at in your favor of January the 4th. And the alarms that have been spread and jealousies that are excited relative to this matter appear to be calculated rather to answer mischievous than useful purposes.“3 Gerry reminded Knox that opposition by officers to Congress's appointments only made the delegates more resolute and furthered factions. "What has been the consequence of every appointment of general officers made by Congress? If it did not suit the whole army, opposition has taken place, and reduced Congress to the necessity of asserting the rights of themselves and their constituents, or consenting to give them up in a manner that would sap the foundation of liberty.“4

  Knox felt that he did not need to be lectured on liberty. Of the delegates in Congress, Gerry knew better than most the hardships the army suffered. He had been a member of the committee that visited the army and witnessed the hungry, ill-clothed soldiers. Knox wrote Washington on Monday, February 16, that he found a clothier who could produce 5,000 suits in just a couple of weeks if he only had the money to complete the work. Knox reiterated his support for a Continental draft: "The legislature of this state [is] willing to do everything in their power to fill the army. It appears to me that a decisive resolve of Congress that every state should draft a certain number of men by some day in March free of expense to the continent, and admit of no alternative, will be the only proper measure that can be adopted. It is certain the money will not induce people to enter the service—there must be some other excitement to their duty.“5

  Knox traveled to Albany and arranged for much of the area's artillery to be sent to the theater of action near Philadelphia. He wrote Washington that it would be better to wait until the rivers were thawed and the heavy guns could be transported by boats. The commander in chief agreed and wrote Knox on Saturday, February 21, to return to Valley Forge as soon as possible: "I dare say you will, in your absence, be very usefully employed; but your presence here, to superintend your department at large, is so extremely requisite, that I flatter myself you will make a point of rejoining the army as expeditiously as circumstances will admit.“6

  Washington needed his closest allies back in Valley Forge. Aside from the apparent Conway-Mifflin movement to replace him, conditions in camp were becoming unbearable for the men. Henry received a February 26 letter from Nathanael Greene, who had just returned from an eleven-day foraging expedition around Valley Forge. He detailed the startling conditions. "The army has been in great distress since you left it," Greene wrote. "The troops are getting naked; they were seven days without meat, and several days without bread. Such patience and moderation as they manifested under their sufferings does the highest honor to the magnanimity of the American soldiers.“7

  Many of the men went before their superior officers, saying that it was impossible for them to remain in camp much longer. They needed food. Greene noted that the men "told their sufferings in as respectful terms as if they had been humble petitioners for special favors." Washington had ordered Greene to lead the expedition to take what they needed from local residents, despite the bitterness it would certainly cause. Washington felt the army had little choice. Inhabitants became alarmed at the sight of soldiers roaming farms and commandeering property and animals. Many residents hid their livestock, wagons, and harnesses. Greene's men searched the woods and swamps and rounded up fifty head of cattle. Greene told Knox that his "collections" had prevented the army from totally disbanding, and he expressed bitterness over Congress's inability to provide relief. "We are still in danger of starving. Hundreds of our horses have already starved to death. The committee of Congress have seen all these things with their own eyes."

  Part of the problem was ineptness in the department of quartermaster. Major General Thomas Mifflin, a former congressional delegate and severe critic of Washington, had resigned from the post after being denied promotion. Congress and Washington both wanted Greene to take over the job. Not only was Washington confident that Greene could greatly improve conditions in the army; he also wanted a loyal friend serving in such a vital position. Greene, however, was torn between his desire to retain a field command and the opportunity to help the army in an administrative position. He coveted fame and was painfully aware that no one in history had been celebrated for service as a quartermaster. "I hate the place [the quartermaster department]," he wrote Knox, "but h
ardly know what to do. I wish for your advice in the affair, but obliged to determine immediately.“8

  Greene knew he could not turn down the quartermaster job. Every day men were dying, and their gaunt bodies were wrapped up and stored to await burial when the ground thawed. As many as 2,500 men succumbed. Others felt they had no option but to desert and risk the penalty of death. By remaining in camp, they risked the same fate by starvation. The quartermaster was a vital link in transporting supplies from the commissary general to the men, whether in camp or on the march. If he took the post, Greene would have to establish supply posts over a vast amount of territory, and understand the terrain and the strategies of both the Continental and British armies and overcome the complex logistics of transporting provisions during a war.

  He reluctantly took the job, commenting to General McDougal, "All of you will be immortalizing yourselves in the golden pages of history while I am confined to a series of [administrative tasks] to pave the way for it.“9